Both views were recognized as legitimate. For the first time, the Irish Government has accepted, in a binding international agreement, that Northern Ireland should be part of the United Kingdom.  The Irish Constitution has also been amended to implicitly recognise Northern Ireland as part of the sovereign territory of the United Kingdom, provided that a majority of the population of the island`s two jurisdictions accepts a united Ireland. On the other hand, the language of the agreement reflects a change in the legal emphasis placed by the United Kingdom from one for the Union to another for a united Ireland.  The agreement therefore left the question of future sovereignty over Northern Ireland indefinitely.  In 2004, negotiations took place between the two governments, the DUP and Sinn Féin, with a view to an agreement to set up the institutions. These talks failed, but a document released by governments detailing changes to the Belfast Agreement has been known as the “Global Agreement”. However, on 26 September 2005, it was announced that the Commissional Irish Republican Army had completely closed and “decommissioned” its weapons arsenal. Yet many trade unionists, especially the DUP, remained skeptical. Of the loyalist paramilitaries, only the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) had taken weapons out of service.  Further negotiations took place in October 2006 and resulted in the St. Andrews Agreement. In a context of political violence during the unrest, the agreement committed participants to “exclusively democratic and peaceful ways to resolve disputes over political issues.” This had two aspects: the agreement never resolved the source of this fear.
In fact, it expressly avoided this and instead chose to set up a system in which the two positions could coexist peacefully. The agreement did so initially by acknowledging the “persistent and equally legitimate political aspirations” of each party. Then came an intelligent disposition: over the past two decades, the peace process has managed to definitively overcome the violence of unrest. Since the conclusion of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, it has been necessary to pursue a number of successive political and legal agreements in order to consolidate the peace settlement provided for by the GSP. The multi-party agreement is an agreement between the British Government, the Irish Government and most of the political parties in Northern Ireland. It sets out the support of the signatory parties under the terms of the Agreement between the Republic and Ireland and constitutes the framework for various political institutions. It is divided into three parts: unfortunately, it was not possible to reach an agreement on the implementation of the provisions of the Stormont House agreement dealing with the legacy of the past within the deadline of the fresh-start discussions. The Irish and British Governments have committed to continue work on this issue in order to create an agreed basis for the creation of the new institutional framework for confirmation of the past, as provided for in the Stormont House Agreement. The previous text has only four articles; It is this short text that is the legal agreement, but it incorporates the last agreement into its timetables.  From a technical point of view, this draft agreement can be distinguished as a multi-party agreement, unlike the Belfast Agreement itself.  A copy of the agreement was posted in every house in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland before a referendum for them to vote was opened. The multi-party agreement forced the parties to “use any influence they might have” to secure the dismantling of all paramilitary weapons within two years of referendums to approve the agreement.
The normalisation process has forced the British government to reduce the number and role of its armed forces in Northern Ireland “to a level compatible with a normal peaceful society”. . . .